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Joined 7 months ago
Cake day: March 10th, 2026
  • echo@lemmy.todaytoLemmy Shitpost@lemmy.world•How are you going to never forget 9/11 this year? What are you never forgetful for?
    0·
    17 days ago

    AI response, but it looks pretty solid…

    The post‑9/11 response in the United States did not abolish the Bill of Rights, but it shifted the balance toward government surveillance, secrecy, detention, and border control—often reducing privacy, due-process protections, and freedom from discriminatory scrutiny. Many powers were created or broadened through the USA PATRIOT Act, passed October 26, 2001, and later executive programs and immigration policies. ala

    Privacy and Fourth Amendment protections

    The largest practical loss was a weaker expectation that the government needed individualized, fact-based suspicion before collecting information or monitoring communications.

    • The PATRIOT Act expanded authorities for monitoring telephone and internet communications, accessing stored communications, and obtaining records such as banking and credit information. ala
    • Authorities could seek certain business records—including potentially library, bookstore, financial, medical, and internet-related records—under standards critics argued were below traditional criminal probable cause and with limited meaningful judicial review. aclu
    • “Roving” wiretaps made it easier to follow a person across changing devices or accounts rather than tying surveillance to one named phone line or device. This was designed for counterterrorism but increased the possibility of incidental collection involving people not suspected of wrongdoing.
    • “Sneak-and-peek” search powers allowed delayed notice of some searches: agents could enter, search, and sometimes seize property before telling the target. The principle affected was the normal expectation of prompt notice and the ability to challenge a search quickly. aclu

    A later reform, the USA FREEDOM Act of 2015, prohibited bulk collection under PATRIOT Act Section 215 and added some transparency and court-review mechanisms—an acknowledgment that earlier authorities had permitted collection at an overly broad scale. judiciary.house

    Due process and detention

    For noncitizens especially, post‑9/11 policy weakened the practical protection against being detained without prompt charges and a meaningful opportunity to contest the detention.

    • The government asserted broad authority to detain certain people designated “enemy combatants,” including arguments for detention without ordinary criminal charges or a conventional criminal trial.
    • Immigration-related changes and counterterrorism policy enabled lengthy detention of noncitizens suspected of terrorism-related activity, sometimes under conditions of secrecy or with restricted access to the normal procedural safeguards available in standard criminal cases. aclu
    • At Guantánamo Bay and in related military-detention practices, detainees faced years of litigation over whether they could challenge their confinement through habeas corpus—the fundamental right to ask a court to review whether the government is lawfully holding someone.

    The important distinction is that these restrictions were most severe for foreign nationals and people accused of links to terrorism. But legal precedents and government claims of executive power also raised broader concerns about how much judicial oversight could be bypassed in a declared national-security emergency.

    Equality, religious freedom, and movement

    Muslim, Arab, South Asian, Sikh, and immigrant communities bore a disproportionate share of the social and governmental consequences.

    • Federal investigations, immigration enforcement, watchlisting, and intelligence collection focused heavily on people from Muslim-majority countries or those perceived to be Muslim.
    • The result was a reduced practical freedom to travel without extra scrutiny, live free of government suspicion based on identity or association, and participate in civic life without fear that ordinary religious, charitable, or political activity could be interpreted as a security concern.
    • Programs that tracked foreign students and expanded scrutiny of immigrants created additional monitoring and administrative burdens on foreign nationals. ebsco
    • Airport security also became much more intrusive for everyone: searches, identity checks, limits on what could be carried aboard, no-fly and watch lists, and more extensive screening became normal conditions of air travel. These measures did not remove the right to travel outright, but made its exercise more conditional and surveilled.

    Speech, association, and secrecy

    Some freedoms were affected indirectly, through the risk or perception of surveillance rather than a direct legal ban.

    • When people believe their calls, emails, web activity, library use, donations, or organizational affiliations can be monitored, they may avoid controversial reading, political advocacy, religious association, or communication. This is often called a chilling effect on speech and association.
    • National Security Letters could compel businesses to provide certain customer information while imposing nondisclosure (“gag”) requirements. Later reform allowed challenges and required review of whether such orders remained necessary. judiciary.house
    • Secrecy around surveillance programs, watch-listing decisions, intelligence-court proceedings, and detention made it harder for affected people and the public to know what government agencies were doing, identify errors, or contest them.
  • echo@lemmy.todaytoPrivacy@lemmy.ml•Blur your house
    31·
    23 days ago

    I wouldn’t call you ignorant for not knowing information from some arcane document over x years old from a European country.

    Why not? I almost certainly would be ignorant about it. Ignorant just means I don’t know something… there’s all kinds of things that I don’t know.